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An Exploration of the Sculptures of
Greyfriars Bobby, Edinburgh, Scotland, and the Brown Dog,
Battersea, South London, England
Hilda Kean
ABSTRACT
This article analyzes the sculptural depiction of two nonhuman
animals, Greyfriars Bobby in Edinburgh, Scotland and the Brown
Dog in Battersea, South London, England. It explores the ways in
which both these cultural depictions transgress the norm of
nineteenth century dog sculpture. It also raises questions about
the nature of these constructions and the way in which the
memorials became incorporated within particular human political
spaces. The article concludes by analyzing the modern
“replacement” of the destroyed early twentieth century statue of
the Brown Dog and suggests that the original meaning of the
statue has been significantly altered.
In his analysis of the erection of public monuments in
nineteenth century Europe, Serguisz Michalski has suggested that
there was an increasing urge “to commemorate important personage
or patriotic events and memories acquired a new... dimension,
moving beyond the limitations of individually conceived acts of
homage.” Such commemorations were not confined to images of
people; increasingly, nonhuman animals were depicted in
paintings, sculptures, and monuments. As the curators of a
recent exhibition devoted to dog sculpture during the nineteenth
century have suggested, “pets were seen as being worthy of
celebration with the visual language of permanence.” Certainly
from the early eighteenth century, many portraits of the
nobility start to include depictions of animals as “identifiable
pets.” The fashion developed in later years to include
sculptures of favorite pet animals. Queen Victoria employed
William Boehm to carve an image of her aging collie in
expectation of his forthcoming death.
This practice of commemorating favored animals in sculptural
form was usually confined to named dogs kept by aristocrats or
celebrities. Well known examples include the mausoleum to poet
Lord Byron’s dog Boatswain at Newstead Abbey or the sculpture of
novelist Walter Scott and his Highland greyhound Maida depicted
by William Scoular in 1838, which has recently been described
as, “modern culture’s first canine celebrity.”
Dogs depicted in sculpture usually would be thoroughbreds whose
“breeding” would also confer status on their human keepers. The
popularity of particular breeds and the interest in visual
depiction was greatly influenced by Queen Victoria and her
penchant for different types of dogs. These included Skye
terriers, previously seen as lowly and working dogs. Three such
Skye terriers, Cairnach, Dandie Dinmot and Islay were depicted
in a number of paintings of the royal family and their loyal
pets. One example includes a painting by Edwin Landseer of the
Skye terrier Islay improbably guarding the sleeping baby
Princess Alice in her cradle. A further example of Islay
engaging with a human can be seen outside the Queen Victoria
Building in Sydney, Australia. This bronze sculpture by Justin
Robson was apparently modeled from a sketch drawn by Queen
Victoria in 1842. While begging for coins to help dead and blind
children of New South Wales, the sculpted dog is also turned
toward Queen Victoria whose statue is adjacent.
I mention the depiction of the Skye terriers in particular
because they were the same breed of dog as Greyfriars Bobby, one
of the dogs I explore in this article. What is distinctive about
the sculptures of Greyfriars Bobby in Edinburgh, Scotland, and
of the Brown Dog in Battersea, in south London, is not their
depiction as such but the rationale for their existence and, in
particular, where they were erected -- in public spaces.
Moreover, in contrast to the practice of Landseer, commissioned
to paint the corpse of dogs brought to his studio by a caregiver
(owner) as a form of private mourning, the purpose of these
sculptures is to make a public commemoration of a dead dog. Both
sculptures were erected in cities, the conventional cultural
landscape of humans. Far from these sculpted nonhuman animals
being set apart in a geographically distinct place for animals,
such as a dog cemetery, they were located, as I shall argue
later, in places defined by a particular type of human politics.
Narratives of Greyfriars Bobby and the Brown Dog
Both dogs were famous before they were commemorated. Many
versions of the story of Greyfriars Bobby exist, but the gist is
as follows. Greyfriars Bobby, a Skye terrier, was kept by John
Gray -- in some versions a working farmer; in others, a
policeman -- whom Bobby accompanied on his business. They both
ate meals regularly at Traill’s dining rooms opposite Greyfriars
churchyard in Edinburgh. On Gray’s death in 1858, Bobby
continued to frequent the dining rooms and took food he was
given to his master’s grave every day in the Greyfriars
churchyard, where he then made his home. The owner of the dining
rooms was prosecuted as the putative owner of Greyfriars Bobby
for not taxing him. In his defense, the man argued that he would
have taxed Bobby but Bobby was still loyal beyond death to his
owner and that this loyalty should be acknowledged. This
argument won the day: Bobby was given a collar by the Lord
Provost of the city, who paid the annual dog tax. Bobby lived
for another 14 years. A little kennel was erected for him by his
former carer’s grave. On his death in 1872, Bobby was buried in
a non consecrated part of the churchyard, and a year later a
statue was erected outside the churchyard and opposite Traill’s
dining rooms (Figure 1).
Figure 1 about here
The brown dog -- like Greyfriars Bobby -- was also famous before
a statue was erected to him, although his story is much less
well known. The monument did not give him fame but portrayed him
in a different way as a nonhuman animal worthy of being
remembered (Figure 2). He was a dog seen in a laboratory whose
plight had been exposed by two anti-vivisectionist campaigners,
Louise Lind af Hageby and Liesa Schartau, who in 1903 had
registered as students to attend lectures at University College
London (UCL) to expose vivisection, arguing:
The importance of personal experience of the methods of
vivisection for those who throw themselves heart and soul into
the the battle against it cannot be exaggerated. We hope that
more and more ardent friends of this cause will enter the
laboratories...and tell the world what they have seen.
Figure 2 about here—Please add – “By permission of the British
Library”
UCL was chosen specifically as the leading institution in
Britain for both physiology and experiments on animals. In 1836,
the college had pioneered the new physiological sciences with
the first professorship of its kind in anatomy and physiology to
which it appointed William Sharpey, who subsequently advised the
government on the workings of the 1876 Cruelty to Animals Act.
The experiment was witnessed after the legislation of 1876,
which had controversially regulated experiments on animals, and
before the Royal Commission on Vivisection of 1906, for which
activists had campaigned both to review the way the legislation
had worked and to demand total abolition.
In the early years of the twentieth century, vivisection was
being perpetrated at the college, particularly by Victor
Horsley, William Bayliss, and Professor Starling. The dogs used
in experiments were not bred specifically for the purpose but
were stray dogs and thus included animals who previously had
been kept as companion animals (pets). It was the undermining of
this perceived human-animal relationship of loyalty and trust, a
contemporary, culturally accepted characteristic of dogs that
particularly incensed anti-vivisectionists.
Certainly, there are examples in anti-vivisection literature of
dogs being captured precisely because they followed scientists’
agents who offered friendship, causing the dogs then to be
captured. In the anti vivisection press, one also finds the
visual image of a small pet Skye terrier looking up at an absent
owner in much the same guise as Islay in the statue in Sydney,
so well known was the image of Queen Victoria’s dog with her
associated qualities of loyalty. Frances Power Cobbe, the
leading anti-vivisectionist campaigner of the nineteenth century
spoke of her own work against the 1876 Act, which regulated
animal experiments and exempted vivisectors from prosecution for
cruelty. She declared she would not begrudge her hard work of
the previous two years against vivisection if, “...a certain
hideous series of experiments at Edinburgh have been stopped and
a dozen of Greyfriars Bobby’s comrades have been mercifully
spared to die in peace”.
The dogs killed in experiments were not necessarily mongrels;
those who died at UCL, as cited in the experiment notes of
Victor Horsley, included a collie terrier, healthy male fox
terrier, brown fox terrier, bull terrier, retriever, bull dog,
and a very cross spaniel bitch who had been nursing puppies.
They were subjected to experiments on nerves that entailed
having their testicles or paws crushed. Such experiments were
permitted under the 1876 Act, and vivisectors could not be
prosecuted under legislation for cruelty to animals, although
there were not supposed to be repeated experiments on the same
animal and adequate anesthetics and appropriate killing
afterwards were stipulated.
On February 2, 1903, Hageby and Schartau had witnessed Professor
William Bayliss conducting an experiment on a “brown dog of the
terrier type.” They alleged and published in their book The
Shambles of Science (which referred in its title to the place of
operation of slaughtermen) that the brown dog already had a
wound from a previous experiment. They argued that the brown dog
had not been properly anesthetized while his neck was cut open
to expose the saliva glands to show that the pressure at which
saliva was secreted was greater than blood pressure. Finally,
they alleged, the dog was killed by a knife through its heart by
an unlicensed research student. They also stated in a section
headed “Fun” that students had laughed and joked during the
experiment. To deliberately invite publicity, part of the text
was read out by Stephen Coleridge, the secretary of the National
Anti Vivisection Society, at a public meeting accusing Bayliss
of breaking the law. Libel action followed, and the campaigners
lost, although all costs were covered by donations collected
through publicity in the “Daily News.” Different amended
editions of The Shambles of Science were later issued (and also
subsequent libel action was brought by Hageby against the
scientists). The publicity caused by different libel actions
ensured that the plight of the brown dog was well known in both
animal welfare and scientific milieux for a number of years.
Narratives of the Public Sculptures of the Dogs
The bronze statue of Greyfriars Bobby, designed by the Scottish
sculptor William Brodie and paid for by Baroness Angela Burdett
Coutts, was erected in November 1873, just outside the
Greyfriars churchyard and opposite Triall’s dining rooms, a year
after the dog’s death and some 15 years after the demise of John
Gray. On the marble base was the dedication to “the affectionate
fidelity of Greyfriars Bobby,” the dog by then having taken on
the epithet of the place in which he lived after John Gray’s
demise.
The statue of the brown dog was erected in the small Latchmere
recreation ground in Battersea in September 1906, some 34 years
after the statue of Greyfriars Bobby was put up in Edinburgh.
Those behind the campaign to commemorate the brown dog included
Louisa Woodward of the Church Anti Vivisection Society and
Captain William Simpson, secretary of the Metropolitan Drinking
Fountain and Cattle Trough Association (MDFCTA), acting in a
personal capacity. This statue was, like that of Bobby, a statue
of a real dog. Unusually for dog sculpture, however, this was a
dog without a name because the rationale for the monument did
not emanate from a personal relationship between a “pet” dog and
his carer. The monument consisted of a 7'6" marble fountain with
an 18" high green bronze dog on top that had been sculpted by
Joseph Whitehead, whose company mainly made artifact for
churches such as pulpits or fountains for the MDFCTA. The statue
stood on a plinth that echoed in design the Greyfriars Bobby
monument; but the nature of the inscription was very different
in tone. Far from suggesting that humans were worthy of the
loyalty of dogs, it condemned human behavior toward this -- and
other -- dogs. The inscription on the brown dog memorial
declared:
In memory of the brown terrier dog done to death in the
laboratories of University College in February 1903, after
having endured vivisection extending over more than 2 months and
having been handed over from one vivisector to another till
death came to his release. Also in memory of the 232 dogs
vivisected at the same place during the year 1902. Men and women
of England, how long shall these things be?
The Liberal MP George Greenwood wrote, noting the controversy
this declaration had aroused, that in contrast, “in the northern
capital there stands another monument to a dog bearing an
inscription at which no man can cavil.”
Although a victim of vivisection, the brown dog was not begging
for mercy; rather, he was depicted in a similar stance to the
lone Greyfriars Bobby. The brown dog was a proud dog: He was
neither cowering nor whimpering but almost defiantly confronting
his human vivisectors. But the brown dog did not depict the
conventional narrative of dog sculpture, a beloved pet of the
nobility or wealthy. The brown dog statue was not even
celebrating the life of a dog after the death of his owner (as
was the case with Bobby) but the very circumstances of his
violent and unnecessary death. In this respect, the rationale
for the commemoration bore similarity with monuments recalling
individual humans martyred in a worthy cause.
Contested Ideas of Loyalty
Ostensibly, Greyfriars Bobby typified the “human” quality
demanded of a companion dog in relation to his keeper: loyalty.
Moreover, the little Scottish dog became the focus of “heart
warming and enlightening anecdotes,” which became common in
nineteenth century dog literature. Samuel Smiles, for example,
wrote in biblical language of the Scottish dog: “His was a love
utterly unselfish, faithful and self-sacrificing....What a
lesson of gratitude and love for human beings” The narrative of
the life of Greyfriars Bobby epitomized loyalty beyond death --
in religious vein -- signified both by his refusal to
acknowledge a new keeper and a reluctance (for whatever reason)
to leave his dead owner’s grave. In his sculptural depiction,
Greyfriars Bobby stands alone: The particular human to whom he
might turn in begging mode (as characterized by images of Islay)
no longer exists. He sits with his feet firmly on the ground.
The brown dog sculpture, however, exemplified a different
relationship between dog and human. The statue’s function was
both to commemorate the untimely death of the brown dog (thereby
gaining publicity for the anti vivisectionist cause) and to
chastize scientists for their own absence of “human” qualities,
including a lack of compassion toward an apparently trusting
dog. The brown dog did not possess a given name since he was no
longer a “pet,” although, in an earlier part of his life, he may
have been part of a household, an emblem of domestic ideology.
Like Bobby, the brown dog also was depicted alone and without an
owner; He became the first vivisected nonhuman animal to be
commemorated in sculptural form in Britain. This was neither a
commemoration nor an easy celebration of notions of loyalty,
which had been the rationale for the statue to Greyfriars Bobby.
Rather, it was an indictment of the way humans had misused
nonhuman animals, particularly those defined as possessing
qualities of loyalty: dogs. The sculptural creation of
Greyfriars Bobby as a symbol of loyalty occurred only after the
death of his keeper, John Gray. Conventionally, this would be a
time when the surviving dog, if not killed or become feral,
would form a new keeper-companion domestic relationship with a
different person. Both Bobby’s atypical behavior and the nature
of his subsequent commemoration marked a change from
conventional practices. This was not a private monument erected
for personal reasons by a grieving human. The nature of the
commemoration ensured that Bobby moved into both popular memory
and public history.
The Siting of the Statues: Place and Space
Both statues were located in places defined by particular human
political geographies. As Doreen Massey has argued, local spaces
are set within, and actively link into, the wider networks of
social relationships that make up the neighborhood, the borough,
the city. It is a “complexity of social interactions and
meanings which we constantly build, tear down, and negotiate.”
Both Greyfriars Bobby and the Brown Dog became incorporated into
wider political narratives. Greyfriars Bobby had become part of
the story of Protestant Scotland through the location of his
actions, for he allegedly regularly ate his dinner and/or
mourned on his dead keeper’s grave in Greyfriars churchyard,
defined by Walter Scott as “the Westminster of Scotland.”
Greyfriars had been the site of the signing of the Protestant
National Covenant in 1638. Here the Covenanters pledged the oath
of loyalty to their religious cause, “thus testifying to their
unbreakable faith in Him, the Almighty Master of all.” Here too
the Covenanters were imprisoned after their defeat at the Battle
of Bothwell Bridge in 1679. This place was already a site of
Protestant commemoration, of loyalty and steadfastness against
the odds before Bobby visited it. In so doing, his story became
incorporated into this bigger national -- and religious --
narrative.
Battersea too was a location of particular ideas and ideals. One
might consider this area of south London to be defined by an
animal geography, for here in 1860 was established the Battersea
Dogs Home, providing shelter for lost dogs and cats. In less
benign fashion, less than half a mile away was the Brown Animal
Sanatory Institute, established in 1871 by Sir John Burdon
Sanderson to continue his experiments on animals.
Battersea in the first years of the twentieth century was also a
place in which particular human politics thrived. The local
council was run by socialists, and the local London County
Council member (and MP) at the turn of the century had been the
former socialist, John Burns. Other local campaigners included
the socialist and feminist Charlotte Despard, future president
of the militant suffrage Women’s Freedom League and of the
Vegetarian Society, who spoke at the brown dog statue’s
unveiling ceremony. Apart from the nearby dogs’ home -- then as
now totally opposed to vivisection -- there was also the anti
vivisection hospital, which included on its governing body
Louise Lind af Hageby, the infiltrator of the UCL laboratories.
The statue of the brown dog was erected in the small Latchmere
recreation ground. This was at the center of a new council
housing development, the first to be built in Battersea and one
of the earliest municipal estates in Britain. The streets of the
estate had rousing socialist names (which haven’t changed)
including Reform and Freedom Street and are also named after
leading nineteenth century socialists, including George Odger,
the first president in 1864 of the International Working Men’s
Association. Like Greyfriars Bobby, the brown dog also was
incorporated into the political narrative of the locality. But a
space, characterized by both socialist and feminist politics and
opposition to vivisection, was contested and highly
controversial. The statue was physically attacked in November
1907 and March 1908 -- by medical students from UCL. The
students also demonstrated with small effigies of the dog, which
they held aloft on skewers. Because of these attacks, the local
council was obliged to guard the statue at an annual cost of
£700 a year. When a new, Conservative, local council was elected
in November 1909 it determined within a month to remove the
statue, not just because of the expense but because of the
political sentiments it represented.
In response, there were petitions, local protest meetings, and
attempts at legal injunctions to stop the removal of the statue.
A brown dog memorial defense committee of 500 people was
established. Speakers at a meeting of 1500 people in February
1910 included the defeated socialist councilor John Archer (who
was to become the first black mayor in Britain in November
1913), Louise Lind af Hageby, Charlotte Despard, Harold Baillie
Weaver, (a Theosophist organizer, supporter of women’s suffrage
and chair of the National Canine Defense League in 1910), and
Liberal MP George Greenwood. There also were demonstrations in
central London against the statue’s removal. These events
included banners depicting the statue, people in masks of dogs
in support, and speeches in Trafalgar Square and Hyde Park.
Even the monument itself (as opposed to the narrative it was
representing) became invested with much power. According to
Louise Lind af Hageby, its physical presence had terrified the
opposition. Vivisectors hated it, she argued, as through the
story of one dog people were learning what happened to thousands
of dogs and vivisected animals in laboratories of the world and
what was being done under the 1876 Act. The statue of the dog
had taken on the cause of the dog. As one campaigner asked:
Why are the vivisectors so anxious that the dog should cease to
speak, for remember that the dog does not only speak to
Battersea and London. Its fame has gone all over the civilised
world”
George Kekewich, former Liberal MP and secretary to the Board of
Education, declared:
“...the brown dog...is more than an ornament, it is a credit to
this borough of Battersea.” The former mayor argued that the
statue needed to be read against other monuments arguing that
this “public monument... was an emblem of truth, which is more
than you can say for a lot of statues which are about, but we do
not say that they ought to be removed.” Charlotte Despard
developed this theme saying, “it is ‘lest we forget’ that these
memorials are put up.”
We see there the symbol, the evidence of what they are, and then
we feel that this is a memorial to a martyr , a martyr to that
which is falsely called science.... when we see memorials to
martyrs in a higher state of being we say “there shall be
martyrs no more”. We must not let these things happen again and
we make up our minds that each one of us in our own way will do
what we can to stop it.
Discussion about the importance of the statue was thus
contextualized not just by the debate about vivisection but by
controversy over commemorative statues of humans. In particular,
comparisons were drawn with the heated debate surrounding the
statue of Oliver Cromwell, which had been unveiled outside
Parliament in November 1899. Indeed, Dr. Snow, a supporter of
the Battersea statue, argued that the brown dog should be
removed to the palace of Westminster and erected next to
Cromwell’s statue as both of them “represented very great
principles in the history of humanity -- and both needed police
protection.”
Despite protests and marches, the brown dog statue was removed
by the council from Latchmere recreation ground in the stealth
of the night of March 10-11, 1910. And, as the bizarre
illustration from the “Daily Graphic” suggests, it was viewed as
a potentially controversial space needing to be policed -- even
when the statue itself had gone. A blacksmith then officially
smashed and destroyed the statue to ensure that no future
socialist council could reinstate it. Suffice to say, no such
controversy beset Greyfriars Bobby who still stands on his
plinth, as popular as ever. He continues to be a focus of
children’s tales, a subject of a Hollywood film, chatty
websites, and official tourism. There is even the Bothy
newsletter established to keep his memory alive. The idea of
loyalty as a laudable quality continues in his various
depictions. As the Petsmart web page asks, “Is Greyfriars Bobby
the most loyal dog ever?” -- suggesting, of course, that humans
are creatures deserving of loyalty.
There was never any suggestion that the brown dog memorial be
linked to the work of Louise Lind af Hageby and Leisa Schartau
in exposing his plight -- and no subsequent memorial to the
women was erected, although Hageby continued to be a leading
light in the anti-vivisection movement until her death in the
early 1960s. Although the brown dog statue was the focus of anti
vivisection campaigns, it was not erected to glorify the work of
human campaigners. John Gray, Greyfriars Bobby’s keeper
subsequently received a tombstone on his humble grave paid for
by “American lovers of Bobby.” The wording on the stone inverts
the norm for the relationship between dogs and their keepers for
the human Gray is described in the context of his dog as,
“master of Greyfriars Bobby.”
The continuing physical statue of Greyfriars Bobby has helped
ensure the dog’s survival within popular memory. However, the
enforced removal and destruction of the old brown dog ensured a
much more precarious form of knowledge. Publications outlining
the circumstances around the events have only started to be
written in recent years. Outside the ranks of opponents of
vivisection, the brown dog enjoys neither the affectionate
memory nor widespread recognition of Greyfriars Bobby.
Revisiting and Subverting the Brown Dog Sculpture
But knowledge that the brown dog (and his public sculpture) had
existed and that campaigners had entered laboratories to expose
experiments in not dissimilar ways to modern activists had
encouraged the two largest anti vivisectionist organizations in
Britain -- the National Anti Vivisection Society and the British
Union for the Abolition of Vivisection -- to raise funds for a
replacement statue in the last days of the left-wing Greater
London Council in the 1980s.
In due course, on December 12, 1985, a “replacement” statue of
the brown dog was unveiled in the presence of Peter Pitt, chair
of the GLC Arts and Recreation Committee in Battersea Park,
which was run by the London wide Labor authority (Figure 3). By
this date, however, the local politics in Battersea were rather
different from those of the first years of the century. The anti
vivisection hospital had long closed down along with local
municipal socialism. The Latchmere recreation ground and the
surrounding borough were under the political control of the
Conservative party; because of contemporary political
contestations, the replacement statue -- recalling past
controversies -- now needed to be erected in another place, the
GLC-run Battersea park.
Figure 3 about here
The sentiments of those agitating against vivisection recalled
their campaigning forebears through the words on the plinth of
the “new” memorial that were identical to those previously
inscribed on the 1906 statue. As Jose Parry a representative of
the anti -vivisectionist organizations said at the 1985
unveiling, “...vivisection is as much a problem today as it was
in 1906.” In his recent exploration of the nature of visual
images, Peter Mason has argued that images have an ability to
move freely from one context to another making it,
...impossible for us to view the image as an ideological
product. Of course, when it enters a specific cultural or
historical context, an image can be given an ideological role to
play, but when it moves on, it is capable of shaking off this
ideological accretion and of fulfilling other, sometimes
contradictory, roles.
Thus while the sentiments of the campaigners and the words on
the plinth may remain constant, the way in which we might read
the words are altered both because of the changed historical
context and because of the changes in the depiction of the brown
dog himself.
The new statue on top of the stone plinth was neither a remake
of the proudly defiant brown dog nor was it a modern and
contemporary depiction of a commonly vivisected dog, a beagle.
It was, according to the sculptor Nicola Hicks, modeled on her
own dog, Brock . Her mature works, she maintains, examine the
relationship between human beings and animals, who have
“precious qualities in common, the qualities we are deeply in
touch with subconsciously and may be totally out of touch within
our conscious state.” This is no longer an independent dog. He
is not standing proud and defiant but in a pose engaging with an
absent human, ear cocked, looking quizzical. The dog has changed
from a public image of defiance to a pet, relating to one
individual human companion. In turn, this brown dog has become
an easier, less uncomfortable, subject for the contemporary
viewer.
The new statue has become a celebration of a former statue,
neither a commemoration of an actually existing vivisected dog
nor of a political moment. Rather than evoking politics that
even today are controversial, this is a safe image and one which
is now contextualized by a different sort of historicized space.
Within the park, now run by the local, still Conservative,
council the brown dog is now to be found on a path by the “old
English garden.” As David Lowenthal reminds us, what heritage
does not highlight, it often hides: In its new form and
location, the statue has been separated from its anti
vivisection message . This is not a modern popular image of
vivisected nonhuman animals -- a dog rescued from a lab by an
animal rights activist wearing a balaclava nor an image of a
rabbit suffering injections of shampoo in its eyes. Rather it is
a nice, “heritage” piece, and the image does not make us feel
uncomfortable.
The nineteenth century statue of Greyfriars Bobb, which
suggested that humans are creatures deserving of loyalty,
survives alongside a plethora of other visual images. As
Jonathan Burt has recently reminded us,
The mark of a more civilised society... is the way in which a
society displays its humanity. The appearance and treatment of
the animal body becomes a barometer for the moral health of the
nation.
The statue that challenged assumptions about society’s humanity,
that commemorated the dogs “done to death” in laboratories, and
that presented us with uncomfortable stories of cruelty, did not
survive.
Figure Legends
Figure 1. Islay outside the Queen Victoria Building, Sydney, New
South Wales.
Figure 2. Daily Graphic, Friday, March 11th, 1910. By permission
of the British Library.
Figure 3. New Old Brown Dog in the Old English Garden, Battersea
Park, London.
Notes
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