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Social Animals: Animal Studies and
Sociology
Corwin R. Kruse 1
In 2001, after substantial debate, the American Sociological
Association granted section-in-formation status to a new Animals
and Society section. Not all sociologists have been overjoyed
with this development (Perrow, 2000). This is unfortunate, but
expected. As Noske (1991) has noted, "the social sciences tend
to present themselves pre-eminently as the sciences of
discontinuity between humans and animals." Sociologists,
therefore, are supposed to study people, not other creatures.
Paradoxically, by concentrating exclusively on humans we have
neglected an enormous facet of human existence. “By focusing on
differences between humans and other animals, sociologists have
lost sight of all that we share with them” (Murphy, 1995, p.
692).
The sociological literature, although somewhat sparse, is
growing. In the past, sociologists have left "animal studies" to
other disciplines. A burgeoning interest, combined with the
emergence of venues such as Society & Animals as well as a
greater willingness of "mainstream" sociological journals to
consider sociozoölogical articles, bodes well for the future.
This trend will be enhanced as the sophistication of the
scholarship increases.
Sociologists have provided important insights in a variety of
areas. Perhaps the largest impact has been in the study of
social movements. Jasper’s work (1997, 1999; Jasper & Nelkin,
1992) is of particular importance, but others also have made
contributions to this literature (Einwohner, 1999; Groves, 1997;
Kean, 1998; Kruse, 2001). The relative acceptance of "animal"
work in this area may be due to the tendency of social movement
scholars to concentrate on "marginal" organizations as well as
the fact that the focus is not on animals per se, but on human
activity.
The study of race, class, and gender also has been enhanced by
examining the role of animals in human society. This area holds
great potential for future work. Animals, and our uses of them,
play a vital part in racialization (Arluke & Sanders, 1996;
Elder, Wolch, & Emel, 1998) and the construction of gender.
Likewise, class is, in numerous ways, tied to our relations to
the animal world (Franklin, 1996, 1998). It is here where those
who study animals in human society have a potential truly to
influence sociology. These topics represent bedrock elements of
stratification and provide fertile theoretical ground for
scholars. The rich ecofeminist literature (Donovan, 1990; Gaard,
1993; Gruen, 1993) has provided much food for thought, but we
also must explore and advance other paradigms. To do so would
likely increase respect for the entire field of animal studies.
Criminology and deviance also are ripe for animal-focused
scholarship. Bryant (1979, p. 412) has suggested that the
transgression of social norms relating to the treatment of
animals “may well be among the most ubiquitous of any social
deviance.” Despite his call for greater focus on “zoological
crime,” sociologists have paid little attention to the way in
which animals are treated by humans.
The criminological literature is lamentably silent on issues of
animal abuse. This is not to say that animals are completely
absent; however, they enter the discussion only indirectly,
never as the center of attention (Cazaux, 1998). “Animals only
appear in…reports because they are seen as involved in some
problematic aspect of human social relationships….Nowhere is the
psychological and physical abuse of animals an object of study
in its own right” (Bierne, 1995, p. 22).
One exception to this trend is in the study of the relationship
between cruelty to animals and human violence. Unfortunately,
much research on this potential link comes from retrospective
studies that draw upon biased populations such as prisoners or
psychiatric patients (Felthous, 1979, 1984; Felthous & Kellert,
1987; Ressler, Burgess, Hartman, Douglas, & McCormack, 1986).
Some comparative work involving non-institutionalized
populations has been done, with mixed results (Flynn, 1999;
Miller & Knutson, 1997). Future work must be refined both
theoretically and methodologically. For a discussion of some
shortcomings of the current literature, see Kruse (in press).
For example, a distinction must be drawn between sanctioned and
antisocial aggression; engaging in violent acts that are
accepted by society does not predict necessarily the tendency to
act out in societally condemned ways.
Many of us, when we tell other sociologists of our interest in
animals, have experienced responses that range from amusement to
derision. There is no reason why this should be. Animals share
our homes as companions whom often we treat as members of the
family; we even may buy clothing for them, celebrate their
birthdays, and take them with us when we go on vacation. At the
same time, the majority of us consume their flesh and wear their
skins. We refer to them when we speak of someone’s being “sly as
a fox” or call someone a “bitch.” Political protest ignites
because of disagreement over the status and treatment of
animals. We can view their lives on the “Animal Planet” network
or television shows such as “Wild Discovery” and subscribe to
magazines such as “Arabian Horse World” or “Reptiles America.”
In these and myriad other ways, the human and nonhuman worlds
are inexorably bound. The task, for those of us interested in
animals, is to demonstrate this connection.
Sociologists should not be “alarmed to see sociological energies
going into the formation of a new [Animals and Society] section
in the ASA” (Perrow, 2000, p. 473); they should celebrate it.
Human action is embedded in a world populated by many species.
By any measure, the role that animals play in human society is
enormous. If they truly were as far removed from our lives as
they have tended to be from sociology, it would be a bland
existence indeed.
* Corwin R. Kruse, University of Minnesota
Note
[1] Correspondence should be addressed to Corwin R. Kruse,
Department of Sociology, 909 Social Science, University of
Minnesota, 267 19th Avenue South, Minneapolis, MN 55455-0412.
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